Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)
Mission &
Vision Organisation
SANGH :
UNIQUE AND EVERGREEN
A unique
phenomenon in the history of Bharat in the twentieth century is the birth
and unceasing growth of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). The Sangh's
sphere of influence has been spreading far and wide, not only inside Bharat
but also abroad, like the radiance of a many-splendoured diamond. Sangh
-inspired institutions and movements today form a strong presence in social,
cultural, educational, labour, developmental, political and other fields of
nationalist endeavour. Sangh-initiated movements - be they social-reformist
or anti-secessionist - evoke ready response and approbation from the common
multitudes as well as from vast numbers of elite of different shades. It has
increasingly been recognised that the Sangh is not a mere reaction to one or
another social or political aberration. It represents a corpus of thought
and action firmly rooted in genuine nationalism and in the age-old tradition
of this country. No other movement or institution has attracted such vast
numbers of adherents, several thousands of them making social work their
life's mission, whose character and integrity are not doubted even by their
most virulent critics.
As a movement for national reconstruction totally nurtured by the people,
Sangh has no parallel in Bharat or elsewhere. The growth of the Sangh - as a
movement for assertion of Bharat's national identity - acquires added
significance when we remember that the birth of the Sangh was preceded by
mental, cultural and economic onslaught by alien rulers for long decades.
There could be only one explanation for the continuing march of the Sangh
from strength to strength: the emotive response of the millions to the
vision of Bharat's national glory, based on the noblest values constituting
the cultural and spiritual legacy of the land and collectively called
'Dharma', comprising faith in the oneness of the human race, the underlying
unity of all religious traditions, the basic divinity of the human being,
complemen-tarity and inter-relatedness of all forms of creation both animate
and in-animate, and the primacy of spiritual experience. That the mission of
the Sangh is in tune with a millennia-old heritage itself carries an
irresistible appeal. It would have been logical for our post-1947 rulers to
re-structure the national life in keeping with our culture. Sadly, that
golden opportunity was lost. Until Dharma also is recognised as a basis of
survival and progress, national integration and such other- often-repeated
goals will remain a far cry indeed. Idealism and patriotism are tangible
exterior manifestations of Dharma.
Absence of idealism has been at the root of most problems haunting our
polity. Amidst such an environment, Sangh is unique in according primacy to
inculcation of patriotism in all citizens and in all life's activities.
National reconstruction demands the fostering of a national character,
uncompromising devotion to the Motherland, discipline, self-restraint,
courage and heroism. To create and nurture these noble impulses is the most
challenging task before the country - what Swami Vivekananda succinctly
called man-making.
It is to this historic mission that the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh has
addressed itself.
SANGH : A
DYNAMIC POWER-HOUSE
Great
oaks from little acorns grow. What started as a tiny stream in an obscure
corner of Nagpur in Maharashtra 68 years ago has now swollen into a mighty
river engulfing the remotest villages of the country. That the number of
Sangh Shakhas has crossed 25,000 is one indicator of the expanding reach of
the Sangh.
It redounds to the foresight of Dr. Keshav Baliram Hedgewar (1889 - 1940)
that he anticipated the need for strengthening the foundations of the Hindu
society and for preparing it for challenges on social, economic, cultural,
religious, philosophical and political planes. A galaxy of savants such as
Dayananda and Vivekananda, Aurobindo and Tilak, had sown the seeds of the
most recent phase of national renaissance. What was needed was a
sufficiently strong instrumentality for carrying that process onward.
This instrumentality was created and bequeathed to the nation by Dr.
Hedgewar in the form of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh which he, after years of
deliberate and patient preparation, founded at Nagpur on 27th Septem- ber,
Vijayadashami Day of 1925.
One of the hazards of organisation-building is allowing one's vision to be
clouded with immediate concerns, resulting in dilution of perception of the
ultimate goal. Dr. Hedgewar's especial strength was that he never allowed
demands of the immediate present to veer him away from the ultimate mission
he set to himself.
Keeping aflame the spirit of freedom and endeavouring simul- taneously to
strengthen the cultural roots of the nation marked the twin features of the
character of the Sangh from the beginning; and that has to this day remained
its main plank. Every passing day has confirmed the validity of this basic
philosophy. Erosion of the nation's integrity in the name of secularism,
economic and moral bankruptcy, incessant conversions from the Hindu fold
through money-power, ever-increasing trends of secession, thought-patterns
and education dissonant with the native character of the people, and
State-sponsored denigration of anything that goes by the name of Hindu or
Hindutwa: these pervasive tendencies provide ample proof of the soundness of
the philosophical foundation of the Sangh as conceived by Dr. Hedgewar and
its continued relevance for the survival and health of the Hindu society and
of the nation as a whole. It is the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh alone which
has consistently been sounding the alarm against all these wrong tendencies
in the body-politic of Bharat.
Dr. Hedgewar said often, "Even if the British leave, unless the Hindus are
organised as a powerful nation, where is the guarantee that we shall be able
to protect our freedom?" His words have proved to be prophetic. Conjointly
with Independence, parts of Punjab, Bengal, Sindh and the frontier-areas
were sundered from Bharat; and, four and a half decades after the nation's
attaining freedom, Kashmir remains a thorn in the flesh.
Continuous efforts have been there to make Assam a Muslim- majority
province. Likewise, no-holds-barred efforts to proselytize by Christian
missions continue unabated. Even armed revolt has been engineered (e.g., in
Nagaland) to carve out independent Christian provinces. Such activities
receive ready support and unlimited funds from foreign countries and
agencies keenly interested in destabilizing Bharat for their own ends.
Sangh's alone has been the voice of genuine patriotic concern amidst the
cacophanous, politically inspired shibboleths of undefined secularism, etc.
Even at the inception, the Sangh was viewed by its founder not as a sectoral
activity or movement, but as a dynamic power-house energising every field of
national activity.
Mission & Vision
ANTIDOTE
TO SELF-OBLIVION
The idea of founding the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh was conceived at a time
when self-oblivion had overtaken the society. The struggle for potilical
independence occupied the minds of people; this was but natural. However,
what was askew was the tacit assumption that the advent of freedom would
automatically usher in a revival of genuine nationalist values which had
perforce receded during foreign rule. Looking to the West as the pinnacle of
civilization, irrationally perpetuating the Britishers' self- serving
theories of the 'White Man's burden'; that the Hindus were 'a
nation-in-the-making', that the Hindus had achieved nothing of significance
in the past, that Westernisation was the only hope for 'the dying race' that
were the Hindus; unquestioning acceptance of myths floated by Westerners
even in the name of history (e.g., that the Aryans came from outside), that
life in Bharat was and had always been at a near-primitive state; -
acceptance of such numerous myths had virtually become mandatory for anyone
with the slightest pretensions to education or intellectuality.
That this breed still claims adherents even four and a half decades after
Independence bespeaks the intensity of the overarching colonial legacy.
All the father-figures of national renaissance from Swami Vivekananda to
Lokmanya Tilak and Mahatma Gandhi had laid great stress on the fact that
releasing the society from such mental thraldom was as necessary as throwing
out the imperialist rulers.
While efforts to hasten political independence were being pursued in
'various forms, there were few or no sustained efforts for restoration of
the Hindu psyche to its pristine form. Indeed, it is the latter which should
constitute the content or core of freedom.
Such was the backdrop for envisioning a country-wide movement such as the
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh.
Is it not the lack of social cohesion which enabled a handful of traders and
shop-keepers (who were no match to us either in intellectual brilliance or
physical prowess) to establish their empire here? It was the native
chieftains who facilitated the repeated destruction of the sacred Somnath
shrine. Wasn't it Raja Mansingh who, by becoming a kingpin of Akbar's
regime, betrayed the interests of the Hindus?
As if testifying to the sagacity of the proverb The more things change, the
more they remain the same' - considerable sections of the so-called academia
and the elite even today display a singular lack of national consciousness
even after witnessing such horrendous insult to nationhood as partition of
the country.
The fact that such a breed continues to exist even after so much historical
and recent experience provides the strongest reason det're for intense and
continuous propagation of the ideal of nationalism and the recognition of
the Hindu national identity as a fundamental fact transcending corroboration
and discussion. Any compromise in this regard is bound to cause peril to
hard earned freedom; and without freedom there will be no prospect of
progress for all either.
Equally, it is a fact of history that national consciousness should not
merely remain an idea or concept, but should be reflected in every single
activity of life.
A burning devotion to the Motherland, a feeling of fraternity among all
citizens, intense awareness of a common national life derived from a common
culture and shared history and heritage - these, in brief, may be said to
constitute the life-springs of a nation.
It is these sentiments which have to be instilled in each child. Obviously,
this task is beyond the capabilities of political institutions. This is
basically a social task.
The mechanism Dr. Hedgewar evolved for fulfilment of this all-important task
is the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. Dr. Hedgewar not only had the foresight
to anticipate this need, but also the skills of organisation needed to give
a concrete shape to that concept.
SANGH : A DYNAMIC POWER-HOUSE
Great oaks from little acorns grow. What started as a tiny stream in an
obscure corner of Nagpur in Maharashtra 68 years ago has now swollen into a
mighty river engulfing the remotest villages of the country. That the number
of Sangh Shakhas has crossed 25,000 is one indicator of the expanding reach
of the Sangh.
It redounds to the foresight of Dr. Keshav Baliram Hedgewar (1889 - 1940)
that he anticipated the need for strengthening the foundations of the Hindu
society and for preparing it for challenges on social, economic, cultural,
religious, philosophical and political planes. A galaxy of savants such as
Dayananda and Vivekananda, Aurobindo and Tilak, had sown the seeds of the
most recent phase of national renaissance. What was needed was a
sufficiently strong instrumentality for carrying that process onward.
This instrumentality was created and bequeathed to the nation by Dr.
Hedgewar in the form of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh which he, after years of
deliberate and patient preparation, founded at Nagpur on 27th Septem- ber,
Vijayadashami Day of 1925.
One of the hazards of organisation-building is allowing one's vision to be
clouded with immediate concerns, resulting in dilution of perception of the
ultimate goal. Dr. Hedgewar's especial strength was that he never allowed
demands of the immediate present to veer him away from the ultimate mission
he set to himself.
Keeping aflame the spirit of freedom and endeavouring simul- taneously to
strengthen the cultural roots of the nation marked the twin features of the
character of the Sangh from the beginning; and that has to this day remained
its main plank. Every passing day has confirmed the validity of this basic
philosophy. Erosion of the nation's integrity in the name of secularism,
economic and moral bankruptcy, incessant conversions from the Hindu fold
through money-power, ever-increasing trends of secession, thought-patterns
and education dissonant with the native character of the people, and
State-sponsored denigration of anything that goes by the name of Hindu or
Hindutwa: these pervasive tendencies provide ample proof of the soundness of
the philosophical foundation of the Sangh as conceived by Dr. Hedgewar and
its continued relevance for the survival and health of the Hindu society and
of the nation as a whole. It is the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh alone which
has consistently been sounding the alarm against all these wrong tendencies
in the body-politic of Bharat.
Dr. Hedgewar said often, "Even if the British leave, unless the Hindus are
organised as a powerful nation, where is the guarantee that we shall be able
to protect our freedom?" His words have proved to be prophetic. Conjointly
with Independence, parts of Punjab, Bengal, Sindh and the frontier-areas
were sundered from Bharat; and, four and a half decades after the nation's
attaining freedom, Kashmir remains a thorn in the flesh.
Continuous efforts have been there to make Assam a Muslim- majority
province. Likewise, no-holds-barred efforts to proselytize by Christian
missions continue unabated. Even armed revolt has been engineered (e.g., in
Nagaland) to carve out independent Christian provinces. Such activities
receive ready support and unlimited funds from foreign countries and
agencies keenly interested in destabilizing Bharat for their own ends.
Sangh's alone has been the voice of genuine patriotic concern amidst the
cacophanous, politically inspired shibboleths of undefined secularism, etc.
Even at the inception, the Sangh was viewed by its founder not as a sectoral
activity or movement, but as a dynamic power-house energising every field of
national activity.
SANGH'S MARCH : SOME THRUST-AREAS
The Sangh has often been misrepresented by its detractors, political or
ideological, as having political motives or as a paramilitary organisation.
The seven-decades-long growth of the Sangh and its ever-growing influence
over the society are also sometimes attempted to be evaluated in political
terms. But the Sangh, it must be remembered, is for attaining the 'Saravangeena
Unnati' (all-round development) of Bharat, and for this end only the
swayamsevaks pledge to dedicate themselves. They do desire that the
political field too needs to be cleansed and reformed, based on Hindu values
and ethos, but politics is just one among the many facets of social life. As
such, to cast political aspersion on Sangh is, to say the least, baseless,
since the concept of all-round development encompasses the entire spectrum
of life, including politics.
The Sangh has to its credit a few thousands of service projects, covering
varied fields of social life. Apart from the projects, the swayam sevaks on
their own are rendering service to the society, individually and
collectively too, wherever needed, whatever the cause. In fact, a Sarvodaya
leader, in appreciation of the service rendered by the swayamsevaks for the
cyclone-hit victims of Andhra Pradesh in 1977, meaningfully said that 'RSS'
stood for 'Ready for Selfless Service'. Obviously, the real purpose of the
Sangh is rightly understood by the unbiased and discerning analyst only.
The thrust of all samskars in the Shakha, though it outwardly appears to be
for military-like discipline, which in any case is essential for any
nation-building exercise, is for imbibing the noblest qualities of head and
heart. Admittedly, a swayamsevak attending a Shakha is a common man, with
exposure to unhealthy and corrupt practices now rampant in the society
outside the Sanghasthan. Yet, by involving himself in all the wholesome
physical and intellectual programmes, both formal and informal, in the
Shakha, he in course of time becomes broadminded and service-oriented, ready
to serve the society. In the Shakha, because of his interaction with the
other members of society, his angularities become rounded off, the tastes
and the outlook get moulded for a purer plane where, in place of self-aggran-
disement, the dedication for the service of the society becomes his fervent
preoccupation. With these samskars rooted deep in his mind, while he
considers participating in daily Shakha, a must in his routine - for that
alone provides him the driving-force for all his social work - he gets real
satisfaction in applying all his energies for the amelioration of social
maladies.
The Shakha, in fact, is not an end in itself, but just a means to achieve
the end, which in brief is social transformation. The programmes in the
Shakha are so structured that while they develop a proper insight and make
one aware of the deficiencies and drawbacks in the society, it also instils
a sense of pride and intense love for its glorious cultural heritage and,
simultaneously, awakens his commitment to work for its emancipation.
Thus, through the instrumentality of the Shakha, men are moulded, and they
in turn enter varied social fields to ennoble them with Hindu fervour. Just
as the pure blood flows out of the heart, to reach each and every body-cell,
taking along with it oxygen and nourishment, purging it of its dross, making
it function properly and then returning back to the heart to get itself once
more energised, the swayamsevaks also imbibe proper samskars in the Shakha,
and then propel themselves into diverse social activities.
The aim of the Sangh is to organise the entire Hindu society, and not just
to have a Hindu organisation within the ambit of this society. Had it been
the latter, then the Sangh too would have added one more number to the
already existing thousands of creeds. Though started as an institution, the
aim of the Sangh is to expand so extensively that each and every individual
and traditional social institutions like family, caste, profession,
educational and religious institutions etc., are all to be ultimately
engulfed into its system. The goal before the Sangh is to have an organised
Hindu society in which all its constituents and institutions function in
harmony and co-ordination, just as in the body organs. While this is easily
perceived at the conceptual level, the institutional outer form of the Sangh
is also necessary for internalisation of this habit of organised living, but
without making it a creed.
The swayamsevak considers the Hindu society itself as 'Janata Janardana'-god
incarnate. Any service rendered to this society, accepting nothing in
return, is for him the worship of his god, the 'Samajaroopee Parameshwar'
(the god in the form of the society). To him, who feels intensely for the
good of the society, it provides any number of opportunities of service. The
abject poverty, illiteracy, caste barriers, false sense of high and low,
untouchability, exploitation, lack of medical facilities, etc., are, to name
just a few, the social maladies which call for immediate corrective steps.
The prime concern of the swayamsevaks all over the country is now for such
service activities. At the Shakha level, a strong orientation is now given
for this purpose.
It is but natural that in a self-oblivious society like ours the innate
oneness and the fraternal bonds are the First casualty. As such, the poor,
the illiterate and the weaker sections in the society become an easy prey
for exploitation and conversion to other faiths. While the unsympathetic
rich try to suck the blood of the poor, the crafty intelligent exploit the
gullible. So, apart from rendering positive service, the swayamsevaks
consider it equally important to combat such injustices, on behalf of the
weaker sections. Militancy and intolerance become good traits when they are
put to use for helping the innocent and the weak in the society. The
Bharateeya Vanavasi Kalyan Ashram, the Grahak Panchayat, the BMS, the BKS (Bharateeya
Kisan Sangh) etc., are all spearheading such movements for social justice
whenever the need arises.
In a society divided on caste, class and language lines, the greatest
service from a social worker to his community will be to keep intact the
very social fabric. The oneness of the society being an article of faith
with the swayamsevak, it becomes all the more important for him to strive
for social consolidation, especially when the self-seeking politicians try
to drive a wedge between diverse groups for their own selfish ends, and
anti-social elements take advantage of such sensitive situations. The
unifying Hindu appeal generated by Sangh has always acted as a powerful
antidote to the disintegrating pulls exercised by separatist elements, in
many a trying situation of conflicts born out of casteism, untouchability
and sectarianism. The Rashtriya Sikh Sangat, the Samajik Samarasata Manch of
Maharashtra, the 'Speak Samskrif movement of Karnataka, and the like have
been rendering yeoman service in this direction.
While founding the Sangh, Dr. Hedgewar - himself a freedom fighter had
before him the goal not only of independence, but also of 'swatantrya' in
its literal sense, i.e., the blossoming of 'swatantra' - the national
identity - in every walk of our social life. As such, it has always been the
supreme concern of the swayamsevaks, to uphold and seek re-assertion of the
national honour wherever it is at stake.
The State of Jammu & Kashmir, with its oppressive Muslim-majority character,
has been a headache for our country ever since Independence. The forces
inimical to Bharat never wanted Kashmir to integrate itself with Bharat, and
in October 1947, immediately after Independence, when Pakistan's forces
invaded Kashmir, these elements conspired with the enemy to defeat every
move to save the situation from our side. However, thanks to the timely
collaboration of the entire Sangh force then present at Jammu with the Armed
Forces of Bharat, Kashmir was saved. Had it not been for the premature and
insensible cease-fire declared unilaterally by our own government, even
while a large chunk of our territory was still under the siege of the enemy,
our Armed Forces would then itself have driven out the latter completely
beyond the borders and there would not have been this problem of
'Pakistan-occupied Kashmir' (POK), which even now continues to be a scourge
undermining the sovereignty of Bharat.
The problem of Kashmir, in fact, is one of our own making, since, keeping in
mind its unique demographic character, unlike other States, it has been
conferred a special status under Article 370 of the Constitution, even after
its total accession with Bharat. In 1952, Bharateeya Jan Sangh and Praja
Parishat, in those days the political front of the Sangh in Jammu & Kashmir
State, jointly agitated against this special status; and the BJS had to pay
a heavy price in the death of Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, the founder-presi-
dent of the party, in Srinagar jail. He died under dubious circumstances,
after being incarcerated there for having led a batch of satyagrahis defying
the ban on his entry into the State. However, because of this agitation, the
game-plan of the conspirators with Sheikh Abdullah as the kingpin, after
being exposed, was thwarted and Kashmir was once more saved, for the time
being.
The endless appeasement of the Muslim population, especially in Kashmir,
practised by the successive governments at Delhi, has been the bane of our
government's Kashmir policy. Just as too much mollycoddling and lack of
discipline spoil the child, so has been Kashmir, a problem created out of
our own folly. With about one-third of the State territory illegally
occupied by Pakistan, a hostile neighbour, the alienated area has virtually
become a haven for subversives. Knowing fully well that an open war with
Bharat may prove too costly and also withchances of winning unpredictable,
Pakistan is waging a cold war, abetting the militants, supplying them with
arms, training them for armed revolt from within. The militants are taking
advantage of the government's weakness, being sure that government dares not
take ruthless action against them because of their privileged 'minority'
tag. They have resorted to all types of inhuman measures to evacuate the
minuscule Hindu population from the Valley. They went to the extent of o
openly burning the national flag at Lal Chowk in Srinagar on an Independence
Day. It was the ABVP which first accepted the challenge from the Kashmir
militants, and took a massive 10,000 - strong contingent of students from
all over the country to Lal Chowk to hoist the tri-colour there. The
attempt, however, was foiled by the then government under V.P. Singh. Two
years later, the BJP picked up the cue and a historic 'Ekta Yatra' (Unity
March) from Kanyakumari to Srinagar, with Dr. Murii Manohar Joshi the party
president himself as the leader, was organised. This 25,000 km-long Yatra
successfully culminated at Lal Chowk, exactly on the decided day, braving
all the challenges, political as well as others, and did hoist the national
tri-colour there, thus proclaiming to the enemy within and without that a
competent party had arrived to settle the account.
Apart from the Kashmir issue, the Sangh has all along been in the forefront
in each and every national campaign, be it 'Ban Cow-slaughter' campaign of
1952 or the mass collection drive for the Vivekananda Rock Memorial at
Kanyakumari in 1963. The Ekatmata Rath Yatra of Ganga Jal and Bharatmata in
1983 and the later issue of Ramajanmabhoomi temple, sponsored by the Sangh
Pariwar, have irrefutably established that the Hindu society would respond
like a 'Virat Purush' (one corporate body), when the innate chord of
Hindusthan is stimulated to pulsate in every Hindu heart.
Thus the thrust of the Sangh and its methodology is not restricted to its
outward institutional form only, but is multi-dimensional, extending beyond
the boundaries of 'sanghasthan'. The aim is to activise the dormant Hindu
society, to make it come out of its self-oblivion and realise its past
mistakes, to instil in it a firm determination to set them right, and
finally to make it bestir itself to reassert its honour and self-respect so
that no power on earth dares challenge it in the days to come.
Organization
Founder
Sarsanghachalak
P.P. Dr. Keshavarao Bali Ram Hedgewar (Doctorji) (1925 -1940)
Second
Sarsanghachalak
P.P. Madhava Sadashivarao Golwalkar (Guruji)
(1940 - 1973)
Third
Sarsanghachalak
P.P. Madhukar Dattatreya Devaras (Balasaheb Ji)
(1973 - 1994)
Fourth
Sarsanghachalak
P.P. Prof. Rajendra Singh (Rajjubhaiya) (1994 - 2000)
Present
Sarsanghachalak
P.P. K.S.
Sudarshan (2000 - )
Sarkaryavaha
Sh. Mohanrao Bhagwat
Sah Sarakaryavah
Sh. Madandas
Sh. Suresh Soni
Sh. Suresh (Bhayyaji) Joshi
Sharirik Pramukh
Sh. Laxmanrao Pardikar
Sah Sharirik
Pramukh
Sh. K.C. Kannan
Bouddhik Pramukh
Sh. Madhubhai Kulkarni
Sah Bouddhik
Pramukh
Sh. Dattatreya Hosabale
Seva Pramukh
Sh. Premchand Goel
Sah Seva Pramukh
Sh. Sitaram Kedilaya
Sh. Surendrasinh Chauhan
Sh. Omprakash
Vyavastha
Pramukh
Sh. Sankalchand Bagrecha
Sah Vyavastha
Pramukh
Sh. Balkrishna Tripathi
Sampark
Pramukh
Sh. Hastimal
Sah Sampark
Pramukh
Sh. Indresh Kumar
Prachar Pramukh
Sh. Adhish Kumar
Pracharak
Pramukh
Sh. Shrikrishna
Motlag
Sh. Sureshrao Ketkar
Members
Sh. Raghavendra
Kulkarni
Sh. Ashok Kukde
Sh. Kalidas Basu
Sh.Sadanand Sapre
Sh. Shrikant Joshi
Spokesman
Sh. Ram Madhav
Special Invitees
Sh. K. Suryanarayana Rao
Sh. Shripati Shastri
Sh. Vasant Bapat
Dr.Bajranglal Gupta
Sh. Ranga Hari
Sh. M.G. (Baburao) Vaidya |